Exactly 53 years today, Nigeria gained
independence from Britain and thereby ending 46 years of colonial rule.
Nigeria was born on January 1, 1914, following the amalgamation of the
then Southern and Northern Protectorates by Lord Fredrick Lugard.
The country owes its independence to the struggles of nationalists like Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello and others, who were in the forefront of the clamour for the involvement of Nigerians in the affairs of their country. Several conferences were held.
The late Chief Anthony Enahoro moved the motion for Nigerian’s independence on the floor of the House of Representatives. Though he had proposed independence for Nigeria in 1959, the Northern members of the House were opposed to the motion on the grounds that the North was not ready. The clause, stipulating a date for independence was later substituted with another clause: “As soon as possible.”
Eventually, the country gained independence from colonial rule on October 1, 1960 after about 15 years of agitation for self-rule.
Nigeria started off as a federation with three regions: East, West and North, as the federating units and a parliamentary system of government. Today, it is a presidential democracy with 36 states structure.
Blessed with an abundant human and material resources, Nigeria showed so much promise at independence. It was taken for granted that within a few years, the country would become one of the leading countries of the world, politically and economically. But that is one hope that had seemingly been dashed. The country never truly took off before crisis started dogging its path soon after independence. And since independence, it has been a very bumpy ride.
Analysts say this is because successive administrations have failed to harness the resources for the benefits of the people. Indeed, the country is bugged by corrosive corruption, especially in public service, while elections, most of the times, have been massively rigged by political groups, to the chagrin of their opponents and the populace. Besides the absence of strong institutions, infrastructure in the country are in comatose.
Frustrated by many failings of the nation, not a few have described Nigeria as a “giant with feet of clay” and other pejorative terms.
Major events that defined Nigeria’s politics
On January 15, 1966, the country experienced its first military putsch. In that coup, plotted by five majors of the Nigerian Army, led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzegwu, leading lights of the First Republics were killed. With the murder of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, the mantle fell on the Senate President, Chief Nwafor Orizu, who called on the head of the army, Major General Johnson T. U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, to take over government. That was the beginning of the incursion of the military into the politics of the country.
On assumption of office, Ironsi introduced a unitary system of government. Before he could settle down to real business of governance, he was killed and his government overthrown by a group of military officers from the North.
Aguiyi-Ironsi was abducted in Ibadan, during a visit to the capital of then Western Region on July 26, 1966. The coup was carried out in retaliation to the January upheaval in the military.
One of the charges against Aguiyi-Ironsi was the unification decree of 1966. Ironically, every military administration after him operated a unitary system of government.
The plan of those behind the second coup was a break-up of the country. However, they were dissuaded from the idea. After about 72 hours, in which the country floundered without a leader, the coupists named General Yakubu Gowon as Head of State. The then governor of Eastern Region, Col Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu kicked against Gowon’s emergence.
The Aburi meeting, civil war and successive military regimes
Ojukwu had refused to accept the leadership of Gowon, as according to him, he was not the most senior military officer at that material time. In the days after the coup, tension mounted. The military, as a way of resolving the debacle, went to Aburi, Ghana, for a retreat. At the end of the retreat, they came up with the famous Aburi Accord.
Unfortunately, the accord meant to arrest the drift in the country failed, as the proponents could not implement it. The result was a 30-month bitter civil war.
The Eastern Region, led by Ojukwu, frustrated by the events in the country, in the wake of the counter-coup, especially the unrestrained massacre of Igbo in the northern part of the country, had declared itself a sovereign state of Biafra. At the end of the war, which lasted from 1967 to 1970, the Biafran had lost more than one million Igbo.
Other military regimes held sway in the country, as Gowon was toppled, for the government of Murtala Muhammed. Murtala was killed in a failed coup led by Col Buka Suka Dimka and his second-in-command, Olusegun Obasanjo took over.
The military ruled the country until October 1, 1979 when General Obasanjo handed over to Alhaji Shehu Shagari, signalling the birth of the Second Republic. That republic was short-lived, as on December 31, 1983, the Army struck again, sacking the civilian administration of Shagari.
General Muhammadu Buhari emerged the Head of State and that signalled the commencement of another 20 years of the military interregnum in politics of the nation. Barely one and half years in the saddle, Buhari was overthrown by General Ibrahim Babangida, who made futile attempts to return the country to civil rule. The military government conducted the June 12, 1993 presidential poll intended to cap the elections for the commencement of the Third Republic. However, on June 26, 1993, the government annulled the presidential election. Expectedly, that gave rise to rash of reactions.
In the heat of the chaos caused by the annulment, Babangida hurriedly “stepped aside” on August 26,1993. He handed over to an Interim National Government (ING) led by Chief Ernest Shonekan, which was sacked by General Sani Abacha, less than three months later. With that, the Third Republic ended in stillbirth.
Nigeria was to witness a long drawn battle, with the winner of the election, the late Chief MKO Abiola and members of the pro-democracy groups pressing for the revalidation of June 12, 1993 election. Abiola declared himself president and was arrested and detained.
The Abacha junta launched a vicious war against the pro democracy groups, led by National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). It was one of the darkest moments in the life of the country. However, when Abacha was preparing to transmute to a civilian president, he died on June 7, 1998, in the confines of Aso Rock Presidential Villa. Barely a month after, Abiola too died. The death of both men drew the curtain on the agitation for the revalidation of the June 12, 1993 presidential election.
Return of democracy
On May 29, 1999, the Fourth Republic took off with General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who succeeded Abacha, handing over power to a democratically elected President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. Having spent eight years in office, Obasanjo planned a third term in office, when his deputy for eight years, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, wanted to succeed him.
Pathetically too, one time Nigeria Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari has tried in vain to stage a comeback. Interestingly too, up till now, Buhari is still smarting up to rule the country again!
At the twilight of his eight-year administration, Obasanjo sought to extend his rule through a tenure elongation bill that was part of constitution amendment sent to the National Assembly. There was public outcry against the elongation bill, popularly called Third Term Bill. Apparently in response to opposition to the move by the executive to extend the tenure of office from two to three, the Senate declined to approve the bill.
In 2009, the country was thrown into a constitutional crisis, following the prolonged absence of late President Musa Yar’Adua from the country. Yar’Adua, who succeeded Obasanjo, had gone to Saudi Arabia for medical treatment without handing over to his deputy, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, as provided for in the constitution. To avert a constitutional crisis, the National Assembly invented the “doctrine of necessity” and empowered Jonathan to assume the presidency in acting capacity. Jonathan later contested and won the 2007 general election on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Former Senate President, Senator Ameh Ebute, took a critical look at the leadership crisis in the country and blamed the incessant military interregnum for its instability. He stated: “If not for the coup, Nigeria would have matured politically, like the advanced democracies of the world.”
Endless agitation for Sovereign National Conference
Pundits have always believed that a conference of sorts, where Nigerians would discuss frankly about the nation, is the only panacea to the many problems of the country. While the civil society group clamour for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC), other critical stakeholders believe that while there is need for Nigerians to talk, it must not be tagged a SNC.
Former Vice President, Dr. Alex Ekwueme says: “I don’t believe in Sovereign National Conference, but we need to come together and discuss the problems facing this great country, the solution and the way of living together in peace without these destructions.”
For Prof. Ben Nwabueze, “unless and until the over 300 ethnic nationalities in Nigeria come together in a national conference to discuss the way forward, peace and security may continue to elude the country.”
Source: Sun News
The country owes its independence to the struggles of nationalists like Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello and others, who were in the forefront of the clamour for the involvement of Nigerians in the affairs of their country. Several conferences were held.
The late Chief Anthony Enahoro moved the motion for Nigerian’s independence on the floor of the House of Representatives. Though he had proposed independence for Nigeria in 1959, the Northern members of the House were opposed to the motion on the grounds that the North was not ready. The clause, stipulating a date for independence was later substituted with another clause: “As soon as possible.”
Eventually, the country gained independence from colonial rule on October 1, 1960 after about 15 years of agitation for self-rule.
Nigeria started off as a federation with three regions: East, West and North, as the federating units and a parliamentary system of government. Today, it is a presidential democracy with 36 states structure.
Blessed with an abundant human and material resources, Nigeria showed so much promise at independence. It was taken for granted that within a few years, the country would become one of the leading countries of the world, politically and economically. But that is one hope that had seemingly been dashed. The country never truly took off before crisis started dogging its path soon after independence. And since independence, it has been a very bumpy ride.
Analysts say this is because successive administrations have failed to harness the resources for the benefits of the people. Indeed, the country is bugged by corrosive corruption, especially in public service, while elections, most of the times, have been massively rigged by political groups, to the chagrin of their opponents and the populace. Besides the absence of strong institutions, infrastructure in the country are in comatose.
Frustrated by many failings of the nation, not a few have described Nigeria as a “giant with feet of clay” and other pejorative terms.
Major events that defined Nigeria’s politics
On January 15, 1966, the country experienced its first military putsch. In that coup, plotted by five majors of the Nigerian Army, led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzegwu, leading lights of the First Republics were killed. With the murder of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, the mantle fell on the Senate President, Chief Nwafor Orizu, who called on the head of the army, Major General Johnson T. U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, to take over government. That was the beginning of the incursion of the military into the politics of the country.
On assumption of office, Ironsi introduced a unitary system of government. Before he could settle down to real business of governance, he was killed and his government overthrown by a group of military officers from the North.
Aguiyi-Ironsi was abducted in Ibadan, during a visit to the capital of then Western Region on July 26, 1966. The coup was carried out in retaliation to the January upheaval in the military.
One of the charges against Aguiyi-Ironsi was the unification decree of 1966. Ironically, every military administration after him operated a unitary system of government.
The plan of those behind the second coup was a break-up of the country. However, they were dissuaded from the idea. After about 72 hours, in which the country floundered without a leader, the coupists named General Yakubu Gowon as Head of State. The then governor of Eastern Region, Col Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu kicked against Gowon’s emergence.
The Aburi meeting, civil war and successive military regimes
Ojukwu had refused to accept the leadership of Gowon, as according to him, he was not the most senior military officer at that material time. In the days after the coup, tension mounted. The military, as a way of resolving the debacle, went to Aburi, Ghana, for a retreat. At the end of the retreat, they came up with the famous Aburi Accord.
Unfortunately, the accord meant to arrest the drift in the country failed, as the proponents could not implement it. The result was a 30-month bitter civil war.
The Eastern Region, led by Ojukwu, frustrated by the events in the country, in the wake of the counter-coup, especially the unrestrained massacre of Igbo in the northern part of the country, had declared itself a sovereign state of Biafra. At the end of the war, which lasted from 1967 to 1970, the Biafran had lost more than one million Igbo.
Other military regimes held sway in the country, as Gowon was toppled, for the government of Murtala Muhammed. Murtala was killed in a failed coup led by Col Buka Suka Dimka and his second-in-command, Olusegun Obasanjo took over.
The military ruled the country until October 1, 1979 when General Obasanjo handed over to Alhaji Shehu Shagari, signalling the birth of the Second Republic. That republic was short-lived, as on December 31, 1983, the Army struck again, sacking the civilian administration of Shagari.
General Muhammadu Buhari emerged the Head of State and that signalled the commencement of another 20 years of the military interregnum in politics of the nation. Barely one and half years in the saddle, Buhari was overthrown by General Ibrahim Babangida, who made futile attempts to return the country to civil rule. The military government conducted the June 12, 1993 presidential poll intended to cap the elections for the commencement of the Third Republic. However, on June 26, 1993, the government annulled the presidential election. Expectedly, that gave rise to rash of reactions.
In the heat of the chaos caused by the annulment, Babangida hurriedly “stepped aside” on August 26,1993. He handed over to an Interim National Government (ING) led by Chief Ernest Shonekan, which was sacked by General Sani Abacha, less than three months later. With that, the Third Republic ended in stillbirth.
Nigeria was to witness a long drawn battle, with the winner of the election, the late Chief MKO Abiola and members of the pro-democracy groups pressing for the revalidation of June 12, 1993 election. Abiola declared himself president and was arrested and detained.
The Abacha junta launched a vicious war against the pro democracy groups, led by National Democratic Coalition (NADECO). It was one of the darkest moments in the life of the country. However, when Abacha was preparing to transmute to a civilian president, he died on June 7, 1998, in the confines of Aso Rock Presidential Villa. Barely a month after, Abiola too died. The death of both men drew the curtain on the agitation for the revalidation of the June 12, 1993 presidential election.
Return of democracy
On May 29, 1999, the Fourth Republic took off with General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who succeeded Abacha, handing over power to a democratically elected President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. Having spent eight years in office, Obasanjo planned a third term in office, when his deputy for eight years, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, wanted to succeed him.
Pathetically too, one time Nigeria Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari has tried in vain to stage a comeback. Interestingly too, up till now, Buhari is still smarting up to rule the country again!
At the twilight of his eight-year administration, Obasanjo sought to extend his rule through a tenure elongation bill that was part of constitution amendment sent to the National Assembly. There was public outcry against the elongation bill, popularly called Third Term Bill. Apparently in response to opposition to the move by the executive to extend the tenure of office from two to three, the Senate declined to approve the bill.
In 2009, the country was thrown into a constitutional crisis, following the prolonged absence of late President Musa Yar’Adua from the country. Yar’Adua, who succeeded Obasanjo, had gone to Saudi Arabia for medical treatment without handing over to his deputy, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, as provided for in the constitution. To avert a constitutional crisis, the National Assembly invented the “doctrine of necessity” and empowered Jonathan to assume the presidency in acting capacity. Jonathan later contested and won the 2007 general election on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Former Senate President, Senator Ameh Ebute, took a critical look at the leadership crisis in the country and blamed the incessant military interregnum for its instability. He stated: “If not for the coup, Nigeria would have matured politically, like the advanced democracies of the world.”
Endless agitation for Sovereign National Conference
Pundits have always believed that a conference of sorts, where Nigerians would discuss frankly about the nation, is the only panacea to the many problems of the country. While the civil society group clamour for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC), other critical stakeholders believe that while there is need for Nigerians to talk, it must not be tagged a SNC.
Former Vice President, Dr. Alex Ekwueme says: “I don’t believe in Sovereign National Conference, but we need to come together and discuss the problems facing this great country, the solution and the way of living together in peace without these destructions.”
For Prof. Ben Nwabueze, “unless and until the over 300 ethnic nationalities in Nigeria come together in a national conference to discuss the way forward, peace and security may continue to elude the country.”
Source: Sun News
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